Engender blog
F-words: Beyond a buzzword
This F-words blog from Talat Yaqoob shares why intersectionality must be much more than just a word. Talat is a freelance consultant specialising in gender equality, intersectionality, education and workplace equality, and political participation. Follow her on Twitter @TalatYaqoob.
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Across policy making, activist movements and the third sector the term “intersectionality” is becoming better known, or at the very least being heard more. However, the term is not new.
Coined in 1989 by Kimberlé Crenshaw, a prominent Black feminist and anti-racist academic, intersectionality was developed as a way to express the compounding and interlocking discriminations that women can face. Crenshaw used the term to explain how both the feminist movement and the anti-racism movement embodied exclusionary behaviours and tactics by ignoring the specific discriminations faced by Black women. In other words: the feminist movement failed to fully fight anti-racism within it and failed to fight for specific injustices faced by Black women. In turn, the anti-racism movement failed to acknowledge the sexism within it and fight specific institutionalised sexism and racism faced by Black women.
Intersectionality provides a lens with which to see the overlapping multiple discriminations faced by many women. Since its origins it is now also used as a term to understand overlapping inequalities faced by disabled women, LBT women, carers and working-class women. The point is to capture (and most importantly, tackle) the specific inequalities faced by experiencing multiple, overlapping discriminations. For example, a Muslim woman who experiences street harassment which is specific to her wearing a hijab is experiencing sexism and Islamophobia which a non-Muslim woman would not face and a Muslim man would not face. This simultaneous Islamophobia and sexism experienced is specific for Muslim women and therefore needs to be captured and then tackled through an intersectional lens.
For many women, including me, reading about intersectional feminism and intersectional policymaking was the first time we felt seen as our full selves. Our multiple layers and complex lived experience were being described, and for once, prioritised.
But when a concept gains popularity, too often it becomes diluted or loses its purposeful meaning. That too has happened on a number of occasions when intersectionality is spoken about. Intersectionality is not synonymous with “diversity”, e.g. we wouldn’t say we need more intersectionality in Scotland’s decision making. A more accurate way to express this would be to say: “we need diverse people involved in Scotland’s decision making and we need them to take an intersectional approach to how decisions are made”. Intersectionality is a method of understanding, analysing and explaining compounding inequalities. It centres those women who have always been ignored.
Whilst we now have the term to use (and it is certainly being used more across Scotland’s policymaking and third sector in particular), it is not necessarily resulting in a change in how we operate or delivering the actions we need. A perfect example of this can be seen in our response to Covid-19. We know women are more likely to be at risk given they are disproportionately more likely to be in frontline roles, we know that Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic communities are more at risk given twice as many deaths across the UK have been registered due to Covid-19 in these communities. Yet, in Scotland, we are not collecting data related to ethnicity and Covid-19, we do not know the extent of the specific risks for BME women in Scotland and we are not responding or strategising our recovery with the full information needed to know how we respond for those furthest away from opportunity and power.
F-words: Words against stereotypes
Juliana da Penha is a freelance journalist and founder of Migrant Women Press, an independent media organization about women’s experiences with migration. Here she blogs for us about the stereotyping of migrant women, and the power of words to challenge that. Follow Migrant Women Press on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.
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What is the first word that comes to your mind when you think about migrant women?
If you are used to the mainstream media coverage about migration, while reading news about this topic, you will probably find the prevalence of some words. What are the implications of these words on the collective understanding of migrant experiences? More importantly, what is the impact of these words on women’s experiences with migration?
It’s a fact, exposed mainly by organizations focused on gender and migration, that the issues migrant women face are underreported. Although many scholars and migration specialists emphasize the phenomenon of “feminization of migration”, migrant women stories are invisible in the mainstream media coverage. Though, when we see news about them, what words are related?
In a quick Google search, I found words like “vulnerable”, “problem”, “difficult”, “exploited”, “crisis”, struggle”.
F-words: Virginity and Foreplay
Jenny Lester is a feminist writer and performer. She currently works at Equate Scotland, and has previously worked in women’s rights organisations and mental health charities. She completed an MA in Women’s Studies researching sex education, pleasure, and faking orgasms. In this 'F-words' blog, she'll be discussing the terms ‘virginity’ and ‘foreplay’ and offering some suggestions for less patriarchal alternatives.
Content Note: this blog contains terminology around anatomy and sexual acts, and one instance of a censored swear-word.
(Losing Your) Virginity
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A virgin is something you are, but virginity is something you have. Your virginity is a possession that you save, give, or take. But as a possession, it is strange, because it is a possession of lacking something - that something being sexual experience. Normally understood to be having not had penetrative sex.
F-words: Gypsy/Traveller women in Scotland
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Dr Lynne Tammi has worked in the field of Community Development for over three decades. Currently she is the Interim National Co-ordinator for Article 12 in Scotland - a young people-focused human rights and equalities NGO - and a freelance Human Rights Consultant and Advocate. She is of Irish and French Traveller heritage, and writes for us here about the links between language and discrimination.
In considering the language used to categorise and indeed denigrate Gypsy/Traveller women, an examination of the role of the media in the ‘othering’ or cultural denigration and exclusion of the Gypsy/Traveller community en masse is crucial.
Creators of ‘folk devils’ and drivers of moral panics who with “a lexicon of verbal abuse [keep up] a constant level of bigotry” (Cohen, 2002), these virtuosos of meaning-making construct ‘conceptual maps’ - a system, if you like, to code (or de-code) the signs and symbols of who or what are to be assigned the status of 'outsider' - and present them to us as both truth and threat. Consider the following Mail Online (2011) reportage on what was to become the forced eviction of the largest Gypsy/Traveller site in Europe, at the time:
GUEST POST: Decriminalisation of Abortion for a Modern Scotland
Following the passing of a motion in support of decriminalisation of abortion during the Scottish Youth Parliament's virtual motion debates this spring, MYSP's Emily Harle and Erin Campbell have written for us on why access to abortion is an important issue for Scotland's young people.
Emily Harle (she/her) is a Trustee and member of the Scottish Youth Parliament (MSYP) for Glasgow Kelvin, and Erin Campbell (they/them) is an MSYP for Midlothian North and Musselburgh, and the Deputy Convenor of SYP’s Equalities and Human Rights Committee. The Scottish Youth Parliament is the democratically elected voice of Scotland’s young people, aged 12-25. You can read more about SYP here, and follow them on Twitter @OfficialSYP. You can also follow Emily @EmilyMSYP, and Erin @syperincampbell.
In 1861, the Offences Against the Persons Act passed and abortion became a criminal offence in the UK, with women facing a penalty of life imprisonment for terminating a pregnancy. This outdated law was never overturned. The 1967 Abortion Act, which is commonly said to have legalised abortion, did not fully decriminalise it. Instead, the law provided an extremely strict set of criteria under which the procedure would be permissible, including a requirement for two written doctor’s signatures to confirm that continuing the pregnancy would severely damage either the mother or child.
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